Photographic Archives of the “Italo-Turkish War”

The Harvard library holds several private photographic albums documenting the Italian invasion of Libya in 1911-12, sometimes referred to as the “Italo-Turkish War”. The albums belonged to individuals: Count Pompeo Campello, a professional photographer and army officer, Carlo Caneva, general of the armed forces in Libya, and Angelo Cormanni, soldier working in the telegraph unit.

Pompeo di Campello (1874-1927): “Campagna di Libia (9 ottobre 1911 – 28 maggio 1912)”

Carlo Caneva (1845-1922): “Guerra Italo-Turca 1911-1912 / Ricordi di Bengasi”

Angelo Cormanni: “Guerra di Africa”

Some studies have been written about these albums:

  • Dalila Colucci, Images of Propaganda: Emotional Representations of the Italo-Turkish War 2021, “Close Encounters in War and the Emotions.” Eds. Gianluca Cinelli, Patrizia Piredda, and Simona Tobia. Close Encounters in War 4 (2021), 75–122.
  • Luca Mazzei, “L’occhio insensibile. Cinema e fotografia durante la prima Campagna di Libia 1911-1913,” in Fotografia e culture visuali del XXI secolo, vol. 2, ed. Enrico Menduini and Lorenzo Marmo (Rome: Roma Tre-Press, 2018).

Some articles on Libyan/Italian entanglements by Italian scholars

Ravelli, Galadriel. 2024. Libyan deportees on the Italian island of Ustica: Remembering colonial deportations in the (peripheral) metropole. Memory Studies. https://doi.org/10.1177/17506980231224759.

In 1911, the Italian liberal government launched the colonial occupation of what is now known as Libya, which was met with unexpected local resistance. The government resorted to mass deportations to the metropole to sedate the resistance, which continued for more than two decades under both the liberal and Fascist regimes. This chapter of Europe’s and Italy’s colonial history has been almost entirely removed from collective memory. The article explores the extent to which colonial deportations are remembered on the Sicilian Island of Ustica, which witnessed the deportation from Libya of more than 2000 people. Currently, the island is home to the only cemetery in Italy that is entirely dedicated to Libyan deportees. I argue that the visits of Libyan delegations, which took place from the late 1980s to 2010, succeeded in challenging colonial aphasia at the local level. Yet, as a result of Ustica’s peripheral position within the national space, the memory work developed through the encounter between local and Libyan actors remained marginal, despite its potential to redefine the Mediterranean as a symbolic space where colonial histories are articulated and remembered. Italy’s outsourcing of the memory work in relation to colonial deportations implies a missed opportunity to interrogate the postcolonial present and thus question persistent dynamics of power in Europe that exclude the constructed Other.

Morone, Antonio M. 2024. The Libyan askaris on the eve of national independence: two life stories across different strategies of intermediation. The Journal of North African Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2024.2360911.

Italian colonial authorities heavily relied on the askaris (i.e. native soldiers) throughout the history of colonialism to alleviate the economic and political burdens of colonial warfare. For that, the askaris became privileged intermediaries for the Italians and emerged as a de facto elite within colonial society, seeking social mobility for themselves and their families. After the end of the Second World War, the askaris lost their role as soldiers, but gained new relevance as political intermediaries for Italian or British plans regarding the final resolution of the Italian colonies affaire. The article delves into the life stories of two askaris, which were documented by the author on 3rd November 2009, in Tripoli. Their memories highlight the relationships of friendship or intimacy that existed with the colonisers and showcase the askaris’ ability to downplay colonial elements of domination and oppression through their intermediation. Being an askar entailed, on one hand, questioning the political and racial boundaries of society, and on the other hand, challenging the agendas of nationalist groups. The transition to independence indeed involved a struggle between colonisers and the colonised, as well as among various groups of colonial subjects, all vying for power within the post-colonial State and society.

Tarchi, Andrea. 2022. A ‘catastrophic consequence’: Fascism’s debate on the legal status of Libyans and the issue of mixed marriages (1938–1939). Postcolonial Studies 25(4). 527–544. https://doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2021.1964764.

This article assesses the role that institutional concern for the possibility of interracial marriages played in the Italian Fascist party’s internal debate regarding the legal status of Libyans in the second half of the 1930s. Following the end of the ‘pacification’ of the Libyan resistance in 1932, Governor Italo Balbo pushed for the region’s demographic colonization and the legal inclusion of the colonial territory and its population within the metropole. In contrast, Fascist Party officials in Rome endorsed starker racial segregation in the colonies based on the racist ideology that permeated the regime after the declaration of the empire in 1936. The legal inclusion of Libyans within the metropolitan body politic touched upon the regime’s most sensitive theme: the need to avoid any promiscuity that could interfere with the racial consciousness of Fascist Italy. This article analyses this dispute through the lens of interracial marriage and concubinage regulations, framing it into the definition of a normative standard of Italian whiteness through the racialization of the colonial Other.

Rossetto, Piera. 2023. ‘We Were all Italian!’: The construction of a ‘sense of Italianness’ among Jews from Libya (1920s–1960s). History and Anthropology 34(3). 409–435. https://doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2020.1848821.

The paper explores how a ‘sense of Italianness’ formed among Jews in Libya during the Italian colonial period and in the decades following its formal end. Based on interviews with Jews born in Libya to different generations and currently living in Israel and Europe, the essay considers the concrete declensions of this socio-cultural phenomenon and the different meanings that the respondents ascribe to it. Meanings span from the macro level of historical events and societal changes, to the micro level of individual social relations and material culture. Viewed across generations and framed in the peculiarities of Italian colonial history, the ‘sense of Italianness’ expressed by Jews in Libya appears as both a colonial and post-colonial legacy.

Article: A socio-historical analysis of English in Libya

Gherwash, Ghada. 2024. A socio-historical analysis of English in Libya. World Englishes 43(1). 71–85. https://doi.org/10.1111/weng.12632 (paywall).

Abstract: Political instability has been a mainstay in Libya since the Italian occupation in 1911. In the intervening years, the shifting political landscape has had an undeniable influence on the presence of English in the country. In this paper, I argue that Libya presents an ideal case study for Kachru’s Concentric Circles of English, where ‘linguistic ammunition’ (Kachru, 1986: 121) is used to manipulate and control the masses and spread anti-Western sentiment in this expanding circle country. To provide a much-needed socio-historical context for a country whose English language and linguistic history remains understudied (Hillman et al., 2020), this paper touches on key events in Libya’s political history that have influenced the status of English and language use; from the Italian colonization, to Qaddafi’s decade-long ban of English, to the 2011 Revolution, and beyond. This paper is divided into six sections: (1) critical approaches to language policy (Tollefson, 1991) and Foucault’s governmentality approach (1991); (2) demographic and geographic description of Libya; (3) historical and political overview; (4) educational language policy and the development of the education system; (5) English language policy in Libya (the ban on use of English in 1986 following the 1969 coup that brought Qaddafi to power and the reintroduction of English in the mid-1990s); and will conclude with (6) English language in post-Qaddafi Libya. Understanding these key moments in Libyan political history will provide the context needed to understand how a generation of Libyans found themselves without the linguistic skills necessary to compete in the global economy.

Ghurfa 211 / الغرفة 211

Ghurfa 211 is a new Arabic-language periodical focusing on arts and culture published by the Arete Foundation for Arts and Culture in Libya.

Its name comes from the work “Season of Stories” by Khalifa al-Fakhri, in which “he writes that Room 211 is a refuge during the night-time winter rains. When the cafes shake off their patrons and the sitting-rooms their guests, “the only thing you have is to return to Room 211″ where there is loneliness and the gathering words pulsating in the chest until a charge that sifts the feelings fills the body and from it writing begins.”

The first two issues appeared in 2023, containing poetry, short fiction, commentary, essays, and letters by Libyan writers (some translated from English and other languages into Arabic).

See also their facebook site.

Article: Ottoman abolitionist policy in Trablusgarp and Benghazi

Hargal, Salma. 2024. Ending slavery in imperial peripheries: Ottoman abolitionist policy in Trablusgarp and Benghazi provinces (1857–1911). Middle Eastern Studies.

When Istanbul prohibited the trade of enslaved Africans in 1857, the Ottoman local authorities expanded efforts to curb human trafficking throughout the imperial realm. These endeavours also included Libya, which lies at the frontiers of the Greater Sahara, a major slave-raiding zone in the nineteenth century. The historiography devoted to modern Libya maintains that the Porte took action to curb slavery only in response to British pressure. In this article, I seek to situate the prohibition of human trade in Libya within the larger scope of the end of slavery in the imperial realm. I argue that the Ottomans conducted an abolitionist policy in Libya that was embedded in the reforms undertaken in these peripheral provinces, namely, to foster the Porte’s sovereignty at its imperial frontier. I further argue that the enslaved population gained agency in the manumission process and in their integration into Ottoman society after their liberation. This bottom-up approach to the end of human bondage reveals the entanglement of old and new patterns of manumission in the era of abolition as well as the social integration of these emancipated slaves into Ottoman society during the Reform period.

First PhD on a Libyan topic?

In 1952, a person named Abdul Amir Majeed (b. 1916, d. ?) was awarded a PhD from Ohio State University with a dissertation entitled Libya: A Geopolitical Study. As far as I can find so far, it seems to be the first PhD about Libya—the main reason for posting it here, as it is a fairly superficial overview of Libyan history, geography, climate, and social structure, containing information also found in other sources of the time. It seems to have largely been written prior to the foundation of the Libyan state in 1951, and so contains quite a few comments alluding to problems to face the new state, while also providing a rather hesitant outlook on the success of the new national project. Some quotes:

"Fortunately the new state of Libya has a homogeneous population, one that
shares common ethnological origin, practises one religion and speaks a common language." (202)
"The repercussions resulting from Libyan independence will be most significant in Africa, the continent which has already been profoundly affected by this action" (221)
"Libya is the land to which the United Nations has just handed mankind’s greatest political attainment - self-government. Were this experiment being undertaken in any period but that of the cold war of 1952, it would be a most hopeful and inspiring advance over colonialism. But, actually, by the hoisting of the flag of Libyan independence, grave political and strategic questions for the western world are raised in a sensitive and important area" (223)

Novel: L’ascaro (The Conscript) by Ghebreyesus Hailu

After almost 100 years, the anti-colonial novel “The Conscript” has finally appeared in Italian translation, thanks to the work of translator Uoldelul Chelati Dirar and funding obtained by Alessandra Ferrini.

Originally written in Tigrinya in 1927, an English translation by Ghirmai Negash appeared in 2012, while an Arabic version by Faraj al-Tarhouni has come out in recent years in Libya. The author, Gebreyesus Hailu (1906–1993) was a prominent and influential figure in the cultural and intellectual life of Eritrea during the Italian colonial period and in the post-Italian era in Africa. He earned a PhD in theology, was vicar general of the Catholic Church in Eritrea, and played several important roles in the Ethiopian government, including as cultural attaché at the Ethiopian Embassy in Rome.

The original Tigrinya version of the novel is not in print but a PDF has been made available by Ghirmai Negash, the English translator, and can be found here.

كتاب: الفضائع السود الحمر من صفحات الاستعمار الايطالي

In the 1930s, a “Commission for the Liberation of Libya” (هيئة تحرير ليبيا) headed by Bashir al-Sa‘dawi published a book entitled The Black-Red Atrocities from the Pages of Italian Colonization in Libya, or, Civilization by Iron and Fire (الفضائع السود الحمر من صفحات الاستعمار الايطالي في ليبيا او التمدين بالحديد والنار) documenting atrocities committed by the Italian colonial occupation in Libya and mocking claims that colonization would lead to modernization and progress for the colonized. It appears to be the case that this book is a revised version of al-Sa‘dawi’s Fadhā’i‘ made by a group of Libyan exiles in Syria. The second printing under this title, in 1948 in Cairo, added a section arguing for Libyan unity and independence after WWII. Together with the earlier edition of Sa‘dawi’s work and Shatwan & Sherif’s “Aspirations et idéal national” it is one of the few Libyan anti-colonial writings of the time.

مقال: فظائع الاستعمار الايطالي الفاشستي في طرابلس-برقة

In the 1930s the Tripolitanian notable and politician Bashir al-Sa‘dawi, later to be viewed as one of the main figures in the movement for Libyan independence, published an essay entitled ‘The atrocities of fascist Italian colonialism in Tripolitania-Barqa’ (مقال: فظائع الاستعمار الايطالي الفاشستي في طرابلس-برقة). Published by the “Association for the defense of Tripolitania-Barqa”, about which I know little, this essay seems to be one of the earliest Libyan anti-fascist and anti-colonial writings.